Shortly before James Oberweis addressed a group of conservative supporters at the University Club a few days ago, he chatted about whether every Republican who had expressed an interest in running for governor would actually stay in the nomination race.

"Well, I think we all learned from last time," Oberweis said, reflecting upon the bitter and divisive 2002 battle for the Republican primary for governor. "At least I hope we learned."

The chances that a contested Republican primary for governor will be played by Queensberry rules is about as likely as Oberweis changing the name of his boutique dairy business.

Even if there is success in narrowing the current potential field of at least eight candidates to a more manageable number, the fractious state of Republicanism in Illinois will likely play itself out. That's just what happened three years ago with Jim Ryan, Corinne Wood and Patrick O'Malley.

Absent a powerful political leader who can forcefully direct the GOP from the governor's office, the ideological and internal fault lines will be laid bare before the voters.

Already, the potential field is arrayed along ideological lines. The conservatives: Oberweis, state Sens. Steve Rauschenberger and Bill Brady, DuPage County State's Atty. Joseph Birkett and O'Malley. The moderates: Treasurer Judy Baar Topinka and businessman Ron Gidwitz. And there's U.S. Rep. Ray LaHood of Peoria, a social conservative with a vaunted independent streak.

So far only Oberweis and Gidwitz have formally announced for governor, but Rauschenberger is expected to join the race this month, with the others to make their decisions by August.

Though the field is likely to be truncated at some point, the sheer numbers will eventually force candidates to make the race personal if only to try to distinguish themselves from their opponents. And pity anyone who becomes a distinct front-runner when the eventual expected blast of negativity is launched by opponents.

Attempts by the candidates to portray themselves as the true reformers of a trouble-plagued Republican Party reveal the internal dissension over where the GOP, long ruled by moderates under moderate govenros, is headed. Some conservatives are looking to establish their credentials--often by blasting the previous party leadership at the expense of setting goals for governing the state.

Still, if a mud fight is inevitable, it's because some of the candidates are getting strategy help from some of the same forces that created the 2002 primary debacle in which a losing O'Malley never endorsed Ryan as the party nominee.

Who can forget some of the stellar moments of that primary fight, such as the pink-and-purple mailing that showed up in southern Illinois mailboxes over the last weekend of the primary campaign? One side of the card showed two groomsmen figurines atop a wedding cake, while the other side contended Jim Ryan had opened "the door to gay marriages" in Illinois, though he staunchly opposed same-sex weddings.

There also were the follow-up automated telephone robo calls placed to Republican homes by a fictitious Bi, Gay and Lesbian Federation urging that a vote for Jim Ryan was a vote for gay rights.

So far, the early stages of the Republican campaign have been downright congenial. Potential candidates smile and chat with their possible opponents and declare that any of them would be a better governor than incumbent Democrat Rod Blagojevich.

But as the field truly begins to take shape, something that will be more evident when campaign finance reports are filed by Aug. 1, the harder edge of the candidates will become more apparent. And Blagojevich will likely be waiting with a huge bankroll.

There is a real lesson for the potential contenders as they plan their upcoming candidacy announcements.

Usually, one of the first promises that a candidate makes in declaring a bid for office is to commit to run a principled, high-minded campaign. Unfortunately, the candidates know, and the voters also know, it's usually the first promise to be broken.

 

Slumlord or savior?  Now a gubernatorial candidate, Ron Gidwitz can expect more public scrutiny over a troubled housing complex he operates - Kristen McQueary

Evergreen Terrace is a hulking brick complex along the otherwise scenic Des Plaines River — a low-income housing development the city of Joliet calls dangerous and filthy.

The complex's problems have been aired in the local newspaper and through narrow disputes between the city and managers of the privately owned complex.

Stairwells serve as public lavatories. Smoke alarms don't work. The elevators have been broken for years.

In 2004, police were called to 657 general disturbances, 217 domestic disturbances, 344 property crimes and 49 violent crimes at the complex, according to city statistics.

But the city's complaints — which Evergreen Terrace officials vigorously deny — are about to become political torque in the 2006 gubernatorial election.

Opponents of Ron Gidwitz, the millionaire GOP businessman who announced his candidacy last month, will feast on headlines that have dogged Evergreen Terrace for years: Gidwitz runs the management company, Burnham Management, that oversees the property. He also holds an interest in New West, the partnership that owns Evergreen Terrace.

A former chairman of the Illinois State Board of Education and retired CEO of cosmetics giant Helene Curtis, Gidwitz now finds himself carrying another title as he prepares to campaign: Slumlord.

The city of Joliet — along with members of Gidwitz's own political party, U.S. Rep. Jerry Weller (R-11th) of Morris and former U.S. Sen. Peter Fitzgerald (R-Inverness) — have been working for more than two years to oust Burnham Management and New West from Evergreen Terrace.

"It's pretty easy for them when they know I'm a candidate for governor to attack me to accomplish all of their objectives," Gidwitz said. "The city is standing in the way of making significant improvements, which everyone agrees need to be done."

Joliet leaders, however, say they are fed up with conditions at the complex. Promises to upgrade the facility have not been persuasive.

Citing crime statistics and unsanitary conditions, Joliet is trying to block federal approval of a refinancing agreement that would keep Burnham Management in place and increase rent subsidies it receives from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. The increased subsidies would allow the company to invest in tighter security and apartment rehabilitation, Burnham officials said.

"The rent has been flat for 10 years," Burnham executive vice president Jake Paschen said. "Even HUD realized that (across the country) it needs to be adjusted."

But other than applying political and public pressure, Joliet has little jurisdiction over Evergreen Terrace, a privately owned complex. HUD regulates Burnham's contract and the refinancing arrangement Burnham is seeking.

The refinancing plan has been stalled for more than a year after Weller and Fitzgerald urged HUD officials to reject it.

"I continue to point out the folly of wasting millions of federal tax dollars in this unsafe, unhealthy, crime- and drug-ridden, outdated public housing project," Weller said.

Fitzgerald declined to comment for this story, but said after a 2003 tour of Evergreen Terrace that he was appalled at the "inhumane" conditions and stairways, which stank of urine.

With Gidwitz's entry into the governor's race and wider interest in Gidwitz's credentials, Joliet officials hope they gained new leverage to lean on Burnham Management."Three little girls were raped there," deputy city manager Jim Shapard said. "Is that OK with you? Because it's not OK with me. Is that happening in your neighborhood? There was a guy shot in the hallway with a .357 Magnum. Do you know how loud that is in a cinderblock hallway? He crawled outside and died between the buildings."

Gidwitz: Joliet 'exaggerates'

Gidwitz and Burnham Management officials point to the city's own Web site as evidence that crime at Evergreen Terrace is not as concentrated as Joliet officials purport.

"Do I think there's drug activity (at Evergreen Terrace)? Of course. There are drug transactions on the corner of Wacker and Madison," said Herb Halperin, president of Burnham Management Co.

But the city's rhetoric, Halperin and Gidwitz claim, is part of a sinister campaign to erase affordable housing from downtown Joliet altogether.

The pair rolled out a 1990 planning map from the city that showed Evergreen Terrace as park land.

"People don't want to live near poor people. It's 'not in my back yard,' " Gidwitz said.

The city, however, says it simply wants a mixed-use development with middle- and low-income tenants — an affordable-housing model adopted by many cities, including Chicago.

"If we were ever allowed (to buy) the property, HUD would make sure our development included Section 8 certificates," Shapard said.

City: Gidwitz talk 'nonsense'

Evergreen Terrace includes 356 units housed in several red brick buildings overlooking downtown Joliet.

Gidwitz's family got involved in the property in the early 1980s after Gidwitz's brother, a real-estate executive, decided the family ought to explore providing affordable housing to disadvantaged people.

The partners who invested also were in search of a federal tax write-off, according to Joliet officials.

Gidwitz insists this isn't a money-making venture. While HUD reimburses Burnham Management for monthly rents, estimated by city officials at $300 to $800 per occupied unit, the money is reinvested into the property, and the shareholders haven't received dividend payments in years — if ever.

Gidwitz said his involvement in affordable housing is more of a philanthropic mission than one for profit. He cited his generosity to groups like Boys and Girls Club of America, to which he has donated "probably millions," and his work on numerous boards and commissions.

"Yes, I think it's cynical to suggest I don't care about disadvantaged families," he said. "Naperville and Highland Park and Lake Forest don't need my help, but Hazel Crest and Rockford and Elgin, where youngsters are getting an inadequate education, do need my assistance."

"Nonsense," said Shapard. "There is nothing socially responsible about Evergreen Terrace. It's a hellhole. This is all about money. Maybe Ron Gidwitz needs to spend a week there and then talk about social responsibility."

Gidwitz, who lives on Chicago's North Side, admitted he had not been to Evergreen Terrace in a long time but trusts his management company to oversee the property.

Halperin and Paschen said they visit the property regularly.

They are pushing HUD to approve the refinancing agreement. Critics say it would increase Burnham's revenues far beyond market price and reward the company for substandard housing.

A spokesman for the Illinois Housing Development Authority, which reviewed and supported the refinancing agreement, said in 2003 the agreement requires the owners to invest more than $1 million into the property the first year and $2.3 million in the first five years. The refinancing agreement would not allow the owners to take money for themselves until the complex has "stabilized" in fulfilling the needs of the residents.

Burnham Management hired former Republican National Committee Chairman Haley Barbour's law firm to lobby on its behalf in Washington, D.C. Gidwitz also hired Barbour to lobby for Illinois schools when he served as board of education chairman.

The city of Joliet, meanwhile, has used its local congressmen to apply pressure in Washington.

"We finally put our foot down and said, 'no more.' The neighbors can't take it. It's too much of a drain on city resources, the fire department and police. Police are there at least five times every day," Shapard said.

Joliet also claims Burnham Management has stiffed the city on $300,000 for extra police protection at the troubled complex. On Friday, a judge declined to dismiss the city's lawsuit against Burnham seeking payment.

Clean or filthy?

While the city unfolds photos of feces-stained stairwells and overflowing garbage chutes at Evergreen Terrace, Burnham Management showed the Daily Southtown pictures of gleaming hallway floors and tidy landscaping.

"The city picks times to take pictures before the cleanup crews get in," Gidwitz said, adding that Joliet officials wouldn't have any unflatteringphotos if they would allow the refinancing to go through, freeing up money for Burnham Management to reinvest in the property.

The city stands by its portrayal.

"It is what it is," Shapard said. "It's as filthy at 11 a.m. as it is at 7 a.m. or it will be again by 9 p.m."

Shapard said the city has twice offered to buy the property from New West; first for $2.5 million and more recently for $5 million. Shapard said Burnham has not entertained either offer.

"The city of Joliet does not act in good faith," Gidwitz countered.

On a recent weekday around 11 a.m., the hallway floors at Evergreen Terrace were dirty and smudged, but garbage was piled into Dumpsters outside, not strewn about.

The parking lot was a connection of large potholes, and women and young men loitered near open doorways. A security truck was manned nearby, but visitors could walk freely into the buildings and around the property. There was no stench in the stairwells.

Residents complained of nonworking elevators, a two-week stint with no hot water and a flood from broken pipes that leaked into apartments below and wasn't addressed in a timely manner. They would not give the Daily Southtown their names for fear of getting kicked out of the complex. A young woman said she rarely left her apartment at night because of crime.

But Gidwitz and Halperin said the majority of residents support them.

"They don't like the crime," Halperin said. "It's not the residents who are the problem, it's (outsiders). The residents are very decent people who want safe housing."

As for the observations of Peter Fitzgerald, Halperin said: "Sen. Fitzgerald's frame of reference is Lake Forest. I would challenge the number of times he's been on Section 8 property."

The city disagrees, describing the Illinois Housing Development Authority report as "flawed" and describing Burnham's management as "a scam."

"It's a very bad, bad place," Shapard said.

Halperin said HUD could make a decision at any time on the refinancing agreement.

Weller said he is leading a bipartisan effort to persuade HUD Secretary Alphonso Jackson to block the proposal. He hopes to persuade Jackson to meet with him and U.S. Sens. Barack Obama and Dick Durbin. The city of Joliet's plan for mixed-use housing at the site, Weller said, is worth considering.

In the meantime, as more Republicans pile into the gubernatorial race, the issue isn't expected to go away for Gidwitz — regardless of HUD's decision.

Democrat Miller blasts GOP gubernatorial candidates, again

http://www.dailysouthtown.com/southtown/columns/Acurrent/miller.htm

Last week, I told you about some Republican candidates for governor. We'll finish handicapping the long list of candidates this week.

Sen. Steve Rauschenberger. Apparently, running a strong third in the U.S. Senate primary last year has not paid off for Rauschenberger, who is in the low single-digits in every poll taken to date.

Rauschenberger is the darling of the "thinking Right" but the conservative wing is divided at the moment and its numbers simply aren't large enough in Illinois to accommodate two or more candidates (Jim Oberweis, Joe Birkett, Bill Brady, and, to some extent, Ray LaHood being the others).

Rauschenberger was endorsed by just about every newspaper editorial board in the state during his U.S. Senate primary race against Jack Ryan and Jim Oberweis last year, which helped him overcome a terrible fundraising effort. Rauschenberger claimed in May and then again last week that his campaign committee will report having $800,000 at the end of June. That's not bad, but there are doubters out there who don't think the cash is "real."

Still, Statehouse reporters love Rauschenberger, whom they regard as a budget expert and cherish as a font of colorful quotes about Illinois leaders.

He can probably expect lots of positive coverage and will most likely use the media quite frequently in the coming months to paint himself as a reformer.

He also might be able to break out during any upcoming debates. But he first has to get those numbers up to a place where he can begin to compete.

Rauschenberger's biggest problem last year was money, so if the $800,000 is real, then he'll go a long way towards proving he can stay in for the long haul.

Joe Birkett. The DuPage County state's attorney just barely lost the attorney general's race in 2002 to Lisa Madigan, the most politically connected person to ever run for that office. You'd think that would make him a strong contender for any office he chose to run for in '06, but Birkett burned a lot of bridges back then and has continued to do so ever since.

Birkett is poised to put at least one negative behind him in the coming weeks when he indicts Brian Dugan for the murder of Jeanine Nicarico, which, frankly, he should have done years ago. Dugan confessed to the crime, you will recall, but Birkett's office continued to pursue murder charges against an innocent man.

Birkett has yet to overcome the lingering questions about what he is doing in this race. Lots of people suspect that Birkett is running for governor merely to retire the hundreds of thousands of dollars in debt from his '02 campaign.

Others think he is waiting for a brokered deal that gives him another shot at attorney general. He also is despised by most of the political press for the way his staff treated reporters in '02. So, don't expect a lot of help from that quarter.

He has tried so far to position himself as a corruption fighter and has taken some of the harshest shots of anyone at Gov. Rod Blagojevich. Birkett remains a breakout possibility, particularly because of his base in vote-rich DuPage County. But that tough-guy act of his is beyond old and makes him look arrogant. A little humility, if he's even capable of it, would be a good thing.

State Sen. Bill Brady. The Bloomington legislator reminds many people of Rod Blagojevich — but in a good way. He is relatively young and fresh in voters' minds and he has a burning desire for higher office. Brady also is a nice guy and people, myself included, tend to like him.

But Blagojevich did more than just showcase his freshness in 2002. Almost entirely under the radar screen, Blagojevich put together one of the strongest statewide operations ever. The campaign was a technological marvel, greased with millions of dollars and implemented by loads of field workers.

So far, Brady's operation appears tiny in comparison. He says he raised $500,000 in June alone, and that's a good start. We'll see how much of that cash came from other people at the end of the month, when candidates file their disclosure statements. He also doesn't have an organization, which only amplifies the problem of his incredibly low name recognition.

Even with that half million bucks, Brady needs to do a whole lot more to position himself for contention next year.