David John Diersen, GOPUSA Illinois Editor
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October 31, 2005 News Clips
Posted by Diersen on 15-Mar-2007


Every day Topinka delays her decision, the more harm she does to the Illinois Republican Party - Dave Diersen
For many months now, Illinois political reporters have been more than happy to do everything they can to make the 2006 Republican primary and general election for statewide offices be a repeat of the 2004 Republican U.S. Senate primary and general election.  They are more than happy to imply that no Republican has a chance of wining a statewide office without Bob Kjellander's support.  They are more that happy to report that Kjellander urged Edgar to run for governor and that he now he is urging Judy Baar Topinka to run for governor.  They are more than happy to report that Kjellander disapproves of Jim Oberweis and Steve Rauschenberger.  If Kjellander were to announce that he was now supporting a new gubernatorial candidate, or for that matter, any Republican candidate for statewide office, they would give it top front page coverage.  They would be more than happy to repeat Kjellander's proclamation that only his gubernatorial candidate had any chance of defeating Blagojevich.  If Blagovevich is reelected, Kjellander will continue to use his positions in the Republican Party to get millions of dollars for himself.  If Oberweis or Rauschenberger are elected, that will end.
On October 2, Topinka told me she would announce her decision within one week.  Every day that she delays her decision, the more harm that she does to the Illinois Republican Party, and therefore, the more help that she gives the Illinois Democrat Party.  When Republican committeemen circulate petitions, how should they respond when voters ask why they do not have petitions for candidates for Attorney General, Treasurer, or Comptroller?  Why hasn't Birkett announced if he will run for governor or not?  Why have so few Republican elected officials endorsed the announced Republican statewide candidates?  Why aren't Illinois voters making greater efforts to find out more about the announced Republican statewide candidates and decide which ones to support?  Why aren't more Illinois voters volunteering their time and/or money to help the announced statewide candidates?  One reason is Kjellander and another is Topinka and her outrageous delay in announcing if she is going to run for governor, for Treasurer, or not run for any statewide office.
If Topinka runs for Governor, what will Birkett, Bill Brady, and Ron Gidwitz do, who will she support for treasurer and the other statewide offices, who will run for Attorney General, Treasurer, and Comptroller, how badly will she and Kjellander bash Oberweis and Rauschenberger? 
If Topinka runs for Treasurer again, who will she support for the other statewide offices, who will run for Attorney General, Treasurer, and Comptroller, how badly will she and Kjellander bash Oberweis and Rauschenberger?
If Topinka does not run for any statewide office, who will she support for the statewide offices, how badly will she and Kjellander bash Oberweis and Rauschenberger?
-- Wire worn in gov hiring probe - Chris Fusco and Dave McKinney 
-- More than half disapprove of Blago - Brandon Honig
-- Which Fawell will jury trust? - 
-- Blagojevich's shadow   Probes, fundraising tactics place agencies under harsh light - Bernard Schoenburg
-- Time for accountability in Illinois politics - Jim Muir
-- Why she's for Oberweis - Mary Cvack
-- Patrick Fitzgerald Indicted 60 Republicans
-- Karl Rove: Putting It Back Together Again - Adam Nagourney 
-- Highbrow Hatred of the United States of America  How did virulent anti-Americanism become so respectable? - James Traub 
Wire worn in gov hiring probe - Chris Fusco and Dave McKinney 
At least one official hired by Gov. Blagojevich's administration wore a hidden recording device as part of the federal government's ongoing investigation of the governor's hiring practices, the Chicago Sun-Times has learned.

The person wore the wire for an undisclosed period of time, a source familiar with the probe said. That source confirmed the feds' tactic on the conditions that the individual who was wired not be identified and that those who have been recorded not be named.

Besides the wire, investigators also have interviewed several potential witnesses regarding the Democratic governor's hiring practices, the source said.

The disclosure about the wire comes after a week of both triumph and tribulations for Blagojevich, a first-term Democrat expected to seek re-election next year. His groundbreaking $45 million program to provide health insurance for up to 250,000 uninsured Illinois children flew through the General Assembly, but he was dogged by three rounds of federal subpoenas being delivered to his administration.

Both sides are mum

The most recent subpoena arrived at the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services late Thursday, the Sun-Times reported in its Saturday editions. That document sought all computer hard drives, CDs, memory sticks and other equipment from eight DCFS employees -- seven of them in the agency's personnel department.

Last week, the governor pledged his cooperation with the government probe and vouched for three individuals publicly cited as possible focuses of the investigation: his intergovernmental affairs director, Joe Cini; Cini's deputy, Victor Roberson, and a DCFS deputy director in charge of hiring, Robin Staggers.

"Nobody in this latest round of these requests has been accused of any wrongdoing. Not the personnel director. He's not been accused of any wrongdoing," Blagojevich said Wednesday, referring to Cini. "Not [Cini's] assistant. He's not been accused of any wrongdoing. Or not Ms. Staggers at DCFS. She's not accused of any wrongdoing.

"They're simply asking for information," Blagojevich said of the feds. "We're happy to give them that information, eager to give them that information."

Staggers was placed on paid administrative leave Tuesday at DCFS. But Cini and Roberson remain on the job in the governor's office.

A Blagojevich spokeswoman Sunday declined to comment when asked about the wire.

Kim Nerheim, a spokeswoman for U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald, declined to comment about the subpoenas or any other aspect of the feds' hiring probe, which so far includes DCFS and the state Transportation Department.

The hiring investigation marks yet another front on which the feds are probing state government during Blagojevich's watch. Investigations of the Illinois Health Facilities Planning Board and state Teachers' Retirement System have yielded federal charges against six people. Blagojevich has deflected the spotlight away from him regarding these two government bodies, saying he has minuscule control over them and was powerless to stop the alleged wrongdoing.

But in a guilty plea in the TRS case, Chicago lawyer Joseph Cari alleged he had been told by a now-indicted former pension board member that Blagojevich and two top fund-raisers, Antoin "Tony'' Rezko and Christopher G. Kelly, schemed to award pension business to consultants, lawyers and investment firms who donated to Blagojevich.

The governor has denied that claim as "triple hearsay,'' and no charges against him, Kelly or Rezko have arisen.


More than half disapprove of Blago - Brandon Honig
Gov. Rod Blagojevich has pushed many changes through the Legislature in his nearly three years in office, but it's the thing that appears not to have changed -- "business as usual" -- that may be most affecting his approval rating, the 10th-worst in the country.

"The scandals and corruption stories probably hurt him worse than other public figures, because when he got elected, he said he was going to be a reformer and change business as usual," said Jay Stewart of the Better Government Association, a nonprofit government watchdog agency based in Chicago.

"But the investigations paint a picture we're all too familiar with in Illinois."

During his campaign and his term in office, Blagojevich has decried the corruption associated with his predecessor, former Gov. George Ryan, and promised to "rock the system" to rid it of "pay-to-play" politics.

Yet numerous allegations have arisen since Blagojevich's January 2003 inauguration, spurring local, state and federal investigations into such varied state agencies as the Toll Highway Authority, the Department of Central Management Services, the Commerce Commission, the Department of Children and Family Services, the Department of Transportation, the Fire Marshall's office, the Health Facilities Planning Board and the Teachers Retirement System Board.

Perhaps the most troubling accusation came from Democratic fund-raiser Joseph Cari, who famously identified Blagojevich as "Public Official A" in an alleged scheme to trade state pension business for campaign contributions.

So, while the governor's Democratic supporters point to successes such as balancing the state budget without raising taxes, increasing education funding, expanding the availability of children's health insurance, raising the minimum wage and ensuring equal pay for women, only 41 percent of Illinois voters "approve" of the job Blagojevich is doing, according to a SurveyUSA poll released Thursday.

The 600-person survey also showed that 53 percent "disapprove," while 6 percent are "not sure."

"That's why he finally came up with campaign finance reform legislation at the end of this session," said state Sen. Miguel Del Valle, D-Chicago.

"And I suspect that given the governor's approval rating right now, he will be pushing campaign finance reform during the next session."

If Blagojevich does push through a campaign finance reform bill, it will complement ethics legislation passed in late 2003, which prohibits lobbyists from serving on boards and commissions, strengthens bans against using state employees for political work and prevents workers from leaving state agencies to accept jobs with firms they regulate.

Along with passing ethics legislation, one of the focuses early in Blagojevich's term was balancing the state budget -- a tall order, considering the $5 billion deficit he inherited.

"Even through one of the worst fiscal crises in recent memory, he didn't raise income or sales taxes," said Rep. James Brosnahan, D-Oak Lawn, in praise of the governor. "He kept the promises he campaigned on."

Blagojevich instead consolidated state agencies and cut jobs, borrowed money and delayed payments to state pension funds -- "creative" solutions that hurt the governor's approval rating among some groups, according to Del Valle.

Those creative solutions, however, allowed the governor to expand services at the same time he was balancing the budget, said Sen. Carol Ronen, D-Chicago.

"Illinois now leads the nation in providing health care to working families," Ronen said, noting that a Blagojevich proposal introduced earlier this month would expand health care services even further and make Illinois the only state to offer comprehensive health insurance for every child.

In addition to expanding health care services, Blagojevich has increased state spending on education every year he has been in office, according to Sen. Rickey Hendon, D-Chicago.

But Sen. Chris Lauzen, D-Aurora, said the Democratic message on education is misleading. "When (Blagojevich) says he has put $320 million more into education funding this year, that is a misrepresentation," Lauzen said.

"He's not taking into consideration the $360 million he is not paying in pensions. It's actually a $40 million decrease."

Lauzen further charged that Blagojevich has unfairly focused his education efforts on Cook County. "My son is a junior at West Aurora High School, where approximately $7,800 is the total spending per student," Lauzen said.

"But we are constantly bombarded by legislation that we ought to send more money to Chicago, where spending per child is nearly $12,000 per student."

Joe Birkett, DuPage County state's attorney and a possible gubernatorial candidate, said the disproportionate amount of money disbursed to Chicago programs is hurting Blagojevich downstate, where his approval rating stands at 32 percent, compared with 52 percent in Cook County.

Further, Birkett said voters have taken note of Blagojevich's decision not to reside at the governor's mansion in Springfield. "With the office comes a significant responsibility as to the way you treat the office," Birkett said.

"You (are supposed to) treat it with respect, and that includes living in the place that the people in the state designate to be your residence."

Birkett added that voters across the state have been affected by manufacturing, trucking and other businesses leaving Illinois.

"Illinois ranks 49th in the nation in terms of job creation, and businesses are leaving," Birkett said.

"The (governor's) approval rating is a result of jobs leaving the state and the scandal headlines that seem to be coming almost every day."

With a new election less than 13 months away, those headlines are causing some Democrats to worry about Blagojevich's chances for re-election. But Ronen, for one, remains confident.

"A lot of this noise out there detracts from our ability to talk about the positive things, but I think people are smart enough to see past all the cynical press to see that the governor has done a lot to help them."

Which Fawell will jury trust? - 
By and large, the jury in the corruption trial of former Gov. George Ryan is a serious bunch.

They sat poker-faced when key witness Scott Fawell — once among the most politically powerful men in the state when he served as Ryan’s chief of staff in the secretary of state’s office — made wisecracks on the witness stand. And if jurors felt sorry for him when he cried, they didn’t show it.

That is not to say they were uninterested. On the contrary, they paid rapt attention. For example, when defense attorneys handed out a slightly different draft of an exhibit they had posted on the courtroom projector screen, a juror caught the difference within the hour and reported it to the judge.

And what they think about Fawell’s testimony may be key to whether Ryan, 71, and co-defendant lobbyist Larry Warner, 67, will be found guilty or innocent of the combined 22 charges of racketeering, mail and tax fraud, extortion and perjury against them.

So it was perhaps significant that the only thing during Fawell’s testimony that evoked open emotion from this jury of seven women and five men was a joke about Fawell’s seemingly multiple personality-type testimony on the stand.

The moment came as prosecutor Patrick Collins was asking Fawell, 48, formerly of St. Charles, about a promise Fawell made to himself after working on the losing campaign of U.S. Sen. Chuck Percy in 1984.

“I vowed to myself I didn’t ever want to be involved with a losing campaign again,” testified Fawell, the son of a powerful political DuPage family.

Before Fawell uttered those words, though, Ryan defense attorney Dan Webb, apparently momentarily distracted, lobbed a misdirected objection.

“(Hearsay) objection to a conversation with Chuck Percy,” Webb said.

“I think it was a conversation with himself,” responded U.S. District Court Judge Rebecca Pallmeyer.

“I guess I (still) object to the hearsay,” deadpanned Webb, eliciting laughter from the jury and gallery.

Webb was joking, but the multiple emotions Fawell showed and the multiple interpretations he gave of his own testimony are no laughing matter for either prosecutors or defense attorneys.

In his time on the stand from Sept. 29 to Oct. 25, Fawell — currently serving a six-year sentence for, among other things, racketeering and having secretary of state employees campaign on taxpayer time — ranged from crying jags to heated exchanges with both prosecutors and defense attorneys. He jumped from a serious attitude one day to precocious wisecracking the next.

The substance of his testimony varied, too, describing openly for prosecutors seemingly damaging activity of George Ryan and then agreeing with defense attorneys that he thought both he and Ryan did nothing wrong, and that he never saw or heard about Ryan taking any cash or gifts in specific exchange for any policy decisions he made.

“He (Fawell) was coming from everywhere,” said Terry Sullivan, a former assistant Cook County state’s attorney now in private practice who observed the testimony.

On the one hand, Fawell testified that it was Ryan’s idea to create a phony paper trail to cover the fact that Ryan was receiving free lodging annually in Jamaica from businessman Harry Klein. Throughout much of the 1990s, Ryan would each year give Klein a check for $1,000 — ostensibly to pay for the lodging — and then immediately get cash in the same amount from Klein, Fawell testified.

But then on cross-examination, Fawell staunchly said there was nothing illegal about that. He and Ryan had done it simply to have a cover to show reporters who might blow the trip out of proportion — not because they thought accepting such lodging was illegal.

Fawell testified that even after he had told Ryan that one of Ryan’s friends, Arthur “Ron” Swanson, wanted too much money to lease the secretary of state office space at the Lincoln Towers in Springfield, Ryan again instructed Fawell to work out a deal. Fawell testified he did so by including unusable hallway space in calculations so the price-per-square-foot looked cheaper.

But again, on cross-examination, Fawell eagerly testified that neither he nor Ryan had taken money or gifts in exchange for doing so, and that he didn’t think they broke any laws.

So just who will the jury believe?

“It’s one of those things —some of it helps, some of it hurts,” said Richard Kling, a law professor at Chicago-Kent College of Law and a practicing defense attorney.

On balance, though, if he had to tip the scales one way or the other, “It (Fawell’s testimony) was probably more hurtful to the defense than prosecutors, but not as helpful as the prosecution would have liked,” Kling said.

Sullivan noted that whatever Fawell’s testimony did, he was certainly an unconventional “star” witness.

“This was a very unusual witness for the very reason that if this is the government’s star witness, you would have thought there would be more bang for the buck,” Sullivan said.

Typically, star witnesses do little but lay out the facts prosecutors want them to and then try to fend off defense questions that frame things in a different light. Fawell, on the other hand, said he still considers Ryan and Warner friends and eagerly answered defense questions in a way that was friendly to them.

“I’ve never quite seen this kind of witness,” Sullivan said.

Sullivan noted that Fawell was so friendly to the defense, Webb apparently abandoned a pre-trial plan to smear Fawell with questions about several affairs and divorces.

Besides Fawell’s friendliness, defense attorneys may have stayed away from the smear for another reason, noted Kling.

That kind of testimony also may have raised the question of if Fawell had such questionable character, “why was (Ryan) putting him in such an important position,” Kling said.

Fawell served as Ryan’s chief of staff for most of the time Ryan was secretary of state from 1991 to 1998.

For Fawell himself, there seems to be little mystery about his testimony. He’s just telling it like it is, he said in court. He’s giving what he sees as the facts and letting the chips fall where they may, he said. Even though he’s testifying to reduce the sentence for his fiancee in a separate criminal case, he’s not going to fudge the facts, he said.

“I’m not in the tank with anybody,” Fawell said in an exchange with Warner defense attorney Marvin Bloom. “Some of it (my testimony) helps you, some of it hurts you. That’s the reality. … Because the truth sometimes does land in the middle.”

Regardless of what onlookers think, it’s what the jurors take away that matters most, and juries, almost every lawyer will tell you — including Kling and Sullivan— are notoriously unpredictable.

“What you think the jury is thinking about your witness is rarely what they are thinking,” agreed Scott Levine, a former assistant U.S. attorney who is now associate general counsel for Career Education in Hoffman Estates.

“Whatever any pundit’s view of this (testimony) is, it should be taken with a grain of salt,” Levine said.

Blagojevich's shadow   Probes, fundraising tactics place agencies under harsh light - Bernard Schoenburg
Gov. Rod Blagojevich won election in 2002 promising a "new way of doing business," and his public appearances play on the theme "reform and renewal."

But a combination of aggressive fundraising, a family feud and a variety of investigations have raised questions about how some of his agencies are doing business.

Last week, federal prosecutors subpoenaed personnel records from the governor's office and the Illinois Department of Transportation. The governor's office said that demand for documents was similar to a subpoena delivered earlier this month to the Department of Children and Family Services, seeking personnel records going back three years, the Chicago Tribune reported.

In September, news outlets identified Blagojevich as the "Public Official A" referred to in a plea agreement involving alleged campaign contribution kickbacks made by consultants working for the state Teachers' Retirement System.

Blagojevich has denied any wrongdoing. The "Public Official A" scenario is based on the hearsay of a convicted criminal, he said, and he cautioned reporters last week to note that the new subpoenas simply are asking for information.

"I frankly view this as an opportunity to show that our systems work," the governor told reporters after a tour of the new State Emergency Operations Center on Dirksen Parkway in Springfield.

"With 57,000 state employees ... you're going to run into some employees who aren't doing things right," the governor said.

"We have systems in place to deal with that," he said, pointing to new ethics rules and the state inspector general system.

"Ultimately, having these systems in place is going to show that we've done things the right way," Blagojevich said.

Blagojevich called scrutiny of state operations "a good thing in the long run."

"It makes sure that those who are responsible to keep the public trust are keeping that trust," he said.

However, Kent Redfield, professor of political studies at the University of Illinois at Springfield, said investigations could be dangerous if their cumulative effect is to erode confidence in the Blagojevich administration.

"If people have said, well, he was going to be the reformer, but he's obviously not the reformer," people may not trust Blagojevich to carry out his policy goals, Redfield said.

Part of the governor's problems stem from accusations made by his father-in-law, Chicago Ald. Richard Mell, in January. Mell claimed the governor's chief fundraiser, Christopher Kelly, was trading government appointments for campaign contributions.

Mell later recanted, under threat of being sued by Kelly. But in the wake of the allegation, the attorney general's office, along with the Cook County state's attorney's office, opened an investigation.

"We cannot comment on ongoing investigations," Melissa Merz, spokeswoman for Attorney General Lisa Madigan, said when asked about the status of the probe.

Bradley Tusk, the deputy governor, last week characterized Mell's accusations as reckless and false.

"They nonetheless touched off inquiries," Tusk said. "That's not to be unexpected."

Blagojevich has acknowledged that he met with federal investigators in February concerning allegations about appointments for contributions, the Tribune has reported.

No indictments have stemmed from the personnel matters connected to the recent subpoenas. But a longtime acquaintance of Blagojevich, Bamani Obadele, resigned from his $65,000 job with DCFS in August, and federal investigators have sought records on all contracts supervised by him.

Obadele, a community activist and minister, has not been charged with any crime, but the Chicago Sun-Times and the Chicago Tribune have reported that more than $60,000 in child-welfare funds were found in a bank account belonging to Obadele. Obadele told the Tribune he doesn't think he broke the law when he arranged for DCFS contractors to buy promotional items, such as water bottles and tote bags, from companies he owned.

Last week, the Tribune disclosed the federal grand jury investigation of hiring practices in the governor's office and the existence of a March 9 letter from an assistant U.S. attorney seeking a witness' cooperation with the investigation of "criminal wrongdoing" by two employees in the governor's office who oversee job applicants, plus a DCFS personnel official.

The Blagojevich administration has hired Ron Safer, a former assistant U.S. attorney, to handle investigators' requests for documents from the governor's office, the AP reported.

The "Public Official A" moniker comes from a case linked to the $30 billion Illinois Teachers' Retirement System.

U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald has indicted three men on corruption charges. Stuart Levine, a prominent Republican and former trustee of the pension board, and Chicago attorneys Joseph Cari and Steven Loren were accused of seeking kickbacks from companies that wanted to do business with the pension fund. Cari is a former finance chairman for the Democratic National Committee, and Loren is a former attorney for the pension board.

Cari and Loren pleaded guilty to attempted extortion and attempted obstruction of the Internal Revenue Service, respectively. Both have agreed to cooperate with federal authorities. Levine has pleaded innocent.

In Cari's agreement, he quoted Levine as saying that a high-ranking public official - identified as "Public Official A" - "acting through two close associates, was selecting consultants for the private equity funds that appeared before the state pension funds."

"Levine said that this was part of a fundraising strategy," the plea agreement said.

According to various reports, Blagojevich was "Public Official A," and two of his top fundraisers - Kelly and Antoin "Tony" Rezko - were the close associates. None have been charged.

In Loren's plea agreement, he said an unnamed person introduced companies wanting to do business with the fund to the pension board. In exchange, the companies were to pay placement fees to the go-between, who was to split it with "certain individuals" at the direction of Levine.

"It was Loren's understanding that Levine's associates, who were close to a high-ranking public official, would use those placement fees as an incentive or reward to those who made campaign contributions that would benefit the high-ranking public official," the plea agreement said.

Levine also was indicted in May on kickback charges involving his former position on the Illinois Health Facilities Planning Board. He has pleaded not guilty.

Levine was appointed to both boards by previous Republican administrations, but was reappointed to both by Blagojevich.

Among other investigations:

  • State Auditor General Bill Holland, after releasing a critical audit of the Department of Central Management Services, referred information to the state attorney general.

  • Illinois Transportation Secretary Tim Martin has asked that the Office of Executive Inspector General to investigate a contract for more than $500,000 given to a pressure-washing firm owned by a relative of a former IDOT official. The Cicero-based firm is owned by William Mologousis, who is married to the sister of Robert Millette, who has resigned as IDOT's director of finance and administration.

  • In the summer of 2004, The State Journal-Register reported that federal authorities were looking into the bidding process by which state government awarded employee group health insurance contracts, which were later canceled because of legislative scrutiny and a public outcry.

  • In March, then-State Fire Marshal J.T. Somer acknowledged that his agency had turned over documents to the FBI and Illinois State Police related to a corruption investigation that predated his tenure. Somer recently resigned for what he said were personal reasons. The Sun-Times in March reported that three fire marshal employees received more than $347,000 in pay for staying home from work.

  • Michael Rumman, before stepping down as director of the Department of Central Management Services at the end of May, said an inspector general's investigation was under way of the personnel department at CMS.
    Time for accountability in Illinois politics - Jim Muir
    It was a cold, rainy November day three years ago when I met Glenn Poshard in Carbondale. We sat at a table with a small tape recorder between us.

    He'd contacted me about the meeting a few days earlier and, as everybody in these parts knows, when Poshard wants to talk - people get in line to listen.

    Poshard said the purpose of the meeting was to break his four-year silence about the bitterly fought 1998 election. In the process, he revealed many never-told incidents about his bid to become the state's top elected official, and about the battle he waged to shed some light on the alleged corruption that existed in the George Ryan campaign.

    And for nearly three hours that day, I asked questions and then listened intently as Poshard took me on a chronological journey through the 1998 Illinois gubernatorial race. During the interview, Poshard pulled no punches concerning the corruption, wrongdoing and cover-ups that he witnessed during the campaign.

    Those who are acquainted with Poshard know he's a passionate guy, regardless of what particular cause he happens to be promoting. However, during this interview, I recall thinking Poshard was more animated than I had ever seen him.

    As he discussed the bitter campaign, there were times when his voice rose and then choked off with emotion and other times when his eyes flashed with anger. The only word that comes to mind when recalling the interview and the two full days I spent writing the lengthy story is "grueling."

    To this date, I can still recite the names that brought out the emotion in Poshard. There were Fawell, Bauer, Margolis, Guzman, Mendosa and Seibel, each one an integral and sometimes unwitting player in the election. Looking back, it's an election that changed the course of history in Illinois - and not for the better.

    You might be wondering what would prompt a recollection of that particular interview and those particular people. The answer is easy. The daily accounts that are reported from a federal courthouse in Chicago where former Gov. Ryan is currently on trial are very much like reliving that agonizing interview. Those daily ugly, corruption-filled accounts also make Poshard look like a prophet.

    You see, Poshard tried to tell the media; he tried to tell state authorities; he attempted to tell law enforcement; he begged to tell anybody who would listen that state employees were working on Ryan's campaign and that a license-for-bribe scheme was in place.

    And for his efforts Poshard was labeled as a desperate candidate who was trailing in the polls. Looking back over the past six years - six years that have included 75 members of Ryan's administration being indicted and 70 convictions - it's apparent today that Poshard was right.

    I mentioned the long list of names that played a key role in the 1998 governor's race, but there are six other names that must be mentioned, six names that Poshard cried about that day three years ago, six names that have thus far not been spoken during the Ryan trial.

    Those six names are Ben, Joseph, Samuel, Hank, Elizabeth and Peter, They are the dead children of the Rev. Scott and Janet Willis and will forever be a reminder of the corruption in the Ryan administration.

    Those six children, ranging in age from 12 years to 3 weeks, were killed in a fiery crash when their van ran over a taillight assembly that fell from a semitrailer. The truck was being operated by Ricardo Guzman, who worked for Chicago-based trucking company owned by Gonzalo Mendosa. Guzman didn't speak English and therefore couldn't heed the warning of motorists and radio messages that the 100-pound assembly was about to fall off.

    Mendosa is one of the 75 people who were indicted and pleaded guilty to federal racketeering and conspiracy charges. Mendosa admitted paying to obtain Guzman's license and testified he paid a secretary of state employee to "fix" as many as 80 tests in exchange for cash contributions to Ryan's campaign. Mendosa was sentenced to 18 months in federal prison.

    In short, it does not take a great leap of imagination to say it was George Ryan himself, through his license-for-bribe scam, who put an unqualified driver like Ricardo Guzman behind the wheel when the fatal, nightmarish crash took place. As secretary of state, it was Ryan's job to protect the highways and prohibit unsafe drivers. Instead, he encouraged the license-for-bribe and even profited from it. And even after he knew the details of how those children died, Ryan took steps to quash investigations into the accident.

    Defense attorneys for Ryan are now fighting desperately to keep any mention of those six dead children from being heard in court, claiming it would be "prejudicial." They might very well be right, but those six dead children are a part of Ryan's legacy and it should be a part of the trial.

    For 11 years Ryan and his cronies have ignored the Willis children, quashed investigations into the accident that took their lives and verbally attacked anybody who mentioned their names.

    It is time for accountability in Illinois politics. It's time for Ryan to acknowledge Ben, Joseph, Samuel, Hank, Elizabeth and Peter. They were alive before an unqualified driver was allowed on Illinois highways.


    Why she's for Oberweis - Mary Cvack

    As a former resident of Chicago and a registered Republican, I was one of the few residents of that city who flaunted my "Republicanism" to annoy the Democrats. I have done the same in suburban Evergreen Park, Oak Lawn, Hickory Hills, and now Tinley Park.

    For many years, I have watched so-called Republicans in office capitulate to the Democrats by compromising principles and philosophy.

    I am a staunch Republican who has been taken for granted and was expected to support the recent efforts of the so-called Republican leadership to persuade former Republican Gov. Jim Edgar to run against our Democratic Gov. Rod Blagojevich. No one asked for my opinion, even though I have a preference I hope to exercise as a Republican voter.

    My choice is Jim Oberweis, who has the intestinal fortitude to speak out against illegal immigration. (Also because the coffee-flavored ice cream in his ice cream parlors is delicious.)

    Oberweis has raised an issue that has been ignored for too long. There are now more than 12 million illegal immigrants in the United States, and more than 400,000 in Illinois. Oberweis has been subject to name-calling by politicians more interested in the Latino vote than the rule of law. Illegal aliens are law-breakers.

    Patrick Fitzgerald Indicted 60 Republicans
    Special Counsel Patrick Fitzgerald is said to be "non-partisan" and "apolitical" - but as U.S. attorney in Chicago, a job he continues to hold as he heads up the Leakgate probe, the targets of his investigations into political corruption have been overwhelmingly Republican.

    The media is fond of noting that Fitzgerald, who rocked the Bush administration on Friday with the indictment of Lewis Libby, has indicted two aides to Chicago Mayor Richard Daley - a Democrat.

    But reporters seldom note that Fitzgerald's biggest case prior to Leakgate is his ongoing corruption probe into former Illinois Republican Governor George Ryan, who happens to be on trial right now.

    Fitzgerald indicted Ryan on corruption charges in December 2003, the same month he was tapped to probe Leakgate, in an investigation that saw more than 60 indictments of Ryan administration figures and political appointees.

    For those keeping score on Mr. Fitzgerald's political targets, the count currently stands at 60-plus Republicans vs. 2 Democrats - not counting Mr. Libby.

    One aspect of Fitzgerald's Chicago prosecution has rankled more than a few observers - his decision to indict the fiance of his star witness against Ryan.

    Top Ryan aide Scott Fawell had repeatedly protested that he knew of nothing that would implicate Ryan in wrongdoing.

    But Fawell was already under indictment by Fitzgerald on separate corruption charges. And when Fitzgerald's team put his fiance, Andrea Coutretsis, on the stand, she lied to protect him.

    Fitzgerald indicted Coutretsis on perjury charges and threatened the mother of two with jail. She was warned that she could escape a prison cell only if Fawell turned on Ryan.

    "You guys have my head in a vise," Fawell complained to prosecutors as they dangled leniency for his girlfriend. But in the end the pressure worked and Fawell flipped.

    Reacting to Fitzgerald's hardball tactics earlier this month, Chicago Tribune columnist Eric Zorn wrote: "The image that comes to mind is not so much a head in vise as that famous 1973 National Lampoon cover, 'If You Don't Buy This Magazine, We'll Kill This Dog.'"

    Zorn continued: "Were you or I to use such powerful leverage to get someone to testify on our behalf, it would be a crime . . . There's a grim amorality to the feds linking [Coutretsis'] prison sentence to [Fawell's] performance on the witness stand this month."

    In 1998, when then-Independent Counsel Ken Starr was accused of threatening to indict Monica Lewinsky's mother to gain Monica's cooperation, the media went wild with outrage.

    But now that Mr. Fitzgerald is employing the same tactics against Republicans, the national press has decided to look the other way.


    Karl Rove: Putting It Back Together Again - Adam Nagourney

    GEORGE W. BUSH and Karl Rove came to Washington with the boldest of ambitions: to overhaul the nation's political architecture, establishing Republicans as the indisputable majority party for a generation or more. It was a meticulously conceived plan: broaden the Republican base, strip moderates away from the Democrats, even make incursions with such solidly Democratic constituencies as African-Americans. But a White House that has prided itself in thinking in broad historical strokes found itself struggling to keep afloat through the news cycle, as it confronted the indictment of a senior White House aide and a failed Supreme Court nomination.

    After "this disastrous year for Republicans," in the words of the G.O.P. consultant Joe Gaylord, some Republicans were suggesting this White House would be lucky to revive the ambitious legislative agenda Mr. Bush presented 10 months ago, much less achieve the permanent Republican governing coalition that many argued began to take shape with the election of Ronald Reagan.

    It may be premature to suggest, as some Democrats and historians have, that this ambitious plan is now dashed; these political realignments take place over decades, and typically can be identified only after the passage of time. And surely, until recently, President Bush had done nothing but strengthen his own party. Still, even some Republicans were suggesting that the Bush presidency could set back, rather than advance, the Republican Party as it seeks its goal.

    "It's certainly not going to happen if the president continues on the course he has been operating on," said Richard A. Viguerie, a veteran conservative activist. "The only way you can build a governing coalition is to draw a clear distinction between you and the other side. But the longer George W. Bush is in office, the more like his father he has become. He is uncomfortable with confrontation."

    Political analysts said hopes for creating this coalition had already been strained by the Iraq war and Mr. Bush's unpopular plan to privatize Social Security. But the recent crises that have besieged the Bush administration, beginning with the reaction to Hurricane Katrina, have presented a series of systematic challenges to the central elements of this ambitious plan.

    Mr. Bush's nomination of his counsel, Harriet E. Miers, to the Supreme Court, produced a rupture with the conservative base, which was already distressed by Mr. Bush's spending policies. In startlingly blunt language, several said that Mr. Bush would have to produce a nominee to their liking to repair the damage.

    "If we don't get a good nominee - if it's somebody else who is a stealth candidate, and we don't know what their judicial philosophy is - well then that will be the end of the Bush coalition," said Paul J. Weyrich, a conservative organizer and founder of the Free Congress Foundation.

    Beyond that, the corruption and cronyism allegations and that have swirled around Republicans in the White House and Congress are the kind of issues that have historically disturbed moderate swing voters. The White House's response to Hurricane Katrina has undercut any hope that the party might have made gains with African-Americans.

    "If there was a realignment going on, that's now over," said John Podesta, a White House chief of staff for President Bill Clinton who is now president of the liberal Center for American Progress. "It has crashed and burned."

    The attempt by Mr. Bush and Mr. Rove to make enduring changes in the political landscape has, for Democrats, been one of the most threatening aspects of his presidency, particularly after the elections of 2002 and 2004 suggested the strategy was working. Andrew Kohut, president of the Pew Research Center, said that over the past four years, there had been a steady increase in voters who said they were Republican, as well as in the number of unaligned voters who said they leaned Republican.

    "The Republicans were making gains through the first four years of the administration - and they could have consolidated those gains and made further gains," Mr. Kohut said. "I don't want to preclude anything, but with 38 percent approval ratings, Republicans gains are going to be hard to come by. More likely they will experience reversals."

    While there is abundant evidence of the weakness of Mr. Bush and his party, there is little reliable evidence of just how enduring this setback is.

    After all, issues that drove the Republicans to victory, like same-sex marriage, are still around. And Democrats may be at a disadvantage in the midterm elections - their next big opportunity - because of redistricting and the races actually in play. Still, Mr. Gaylord, who advised Newt Gingrich in 1994 when Republicans orchestrated a takeover of the House, warned that Republicans could be in for a surprise.

    "This is the time when good candidates decide whether they are going to run," Mr. Gaylord said. "And the atmospherics are not good for the party right now."

    Mr. Bush is hardly the first two-term president who has suffered through a difficult second term. And Mr. Bush's advisers could certainly be forgiven from drawing encouragement by the fact that most Americans do not recall today that Truman, Eisenhower and Reagan all had dark periods.

    The national Republican Party chairman, Ken Mehlman, says that Mr. Bush's tenure is hardly over, noting that President Reagan recovered after the Iran-contra scandal. That said, the situations are different in some serious ways.

    Mr. Bush is facing a crush of problems, from high gas prices to growing casualty counts in Iraq. And President Reagan, even during the depths of the Iran-contra scandal, never suffered from approval ratings as low as Mr. Bush's. Polls today suggest that Americans seem despondent about the state of the country, typically a bad sign for a party in power.

    "The thing that is the most disturbing to me now - this wasn't true then - is this sort of hopelessness that the American people are feeling," said Michael K. Deaver, who was a senior Reagan adviser. "When you have 70 percent of the people saying they don't think are things are going to get better - that to me is the most disturbing thing."

    Mr. Podesta noted that Mr. Bush was apparently echoing the strategy that Mr. Clinton adopted in warding off questions about problems during his own troubled second term, saying that he would focus on the problems of the country instead.

    The difference, Mr. Podesta noted, was that "the public liked the job Clinton was doing."

    And Fred Greenstein, a presidential scholar at Princeton University, noted that most presidents who recovered from second-term slumps did so because of the way they responded to events that took place overseas, like Mr. Reagan's strong challenge to the Soviet Union. "If you look statistically at presidents that have gone into real decline, I'd say more often than not they haven't pulled it out," he said.

    There were still some glimmers of optimism. Grover Norquist, a conservative with close ties to the White House, said that while "we've had some bumps," he predicted that Mr. Bush's grandest plans, including Social Security, would eventually be successful, albeit not necessarily while Mr. Bush was still in office.

    "They will be called W accounts," he predicted. "Fifty years from now, children will learn that Ronald Reagan ended the cold war and George Bush privatized Social Security."

    But David Mayhew, a political scientist at Yale University, said he thought the White House had little to hope for now. Any chance of a realignment, which he said he had always considered slight, was now gone.

    "I would doubt that he's going to get very much through now," Mr. Mayhew said.

    Highbrow Hatred of the United States of America  How did virulent anti-Americanism become so respectable? - James Traub

    When the British playwright Harold Pinter was interviewed after learning earlier this month that he won the Nobel Prize for literature, he said that he might well use his acceptance speech in December to "address the state of the world." This could prove to be quite a revelation for Pinter's American admirers, who tend to know much less about his politics than Europeans do. Still, they need only go to Pinter's own Web site to learn that the author of "The Birthday Party" and "The Homecoming" views the United States as a moral monster bent on world domination.

    Pinter's consuming anti-Americanism may have had little or nothing to do with the judges' decision to award him the prize. Unlike Dario Fo, the 1997 recipient notorious for his denunciations of the U.S., Pinter has written works that will remain long after his polemics are forgotten. Even some conservatives have applauded the selection. But whatever the intention, the Swedes have given Pinter the most prestigious of platforms from which to broadcast his worldview - a view that has become common currency, albeit in somewhat less toxic form, in the highest reaches of European culture.

    Pinter's politics are so extreme that they're almost impossible to parody. "Mr. Bush and his gang," he said in a speech as the war in Iraq approached, "are determined, quite simply, to control the world and the world's resources. And they don't give a damn how many people they murder on the way." Pinter sees the current president as only the most recent exponent of the American hegemonic impulse. The playwright was just as outraged by NATO's 1999 air war in Kosovo. Though the bombing was essentially a last resort in the face of Slobodan Milosevic's savage campaign of ethnic cleansing, Pinter described it as "a criminal act" - the U.N. Security Council hadn't approved - designed to consolidate "American domination of Europe." He complained, in fact, of "the demonization and the hysteria" that accompanied the NATO campaign against Milosevic and the Serbs.

    These views are hardly unfamiliar in the United States; you can hear them on any major university campus. Among public intellectuals or literary figures, however, it is hard to think of anyone save Noam Chomsky and Gore Vidal who would not choke on Pinter's bile. But the situation is very different throughout Europe, where the anti-American left is far more intellectually respectable. In the Anglophone world of letters, John le Carré holds opinions similar to Pinter's, as do the essayist Tariq Ali and the novelist Arundhati Roy. These last two publicly root for the Iraqi "resistance" against the infernal machinery of American empire. Roy has conceded that despots like Saddam Hussein "are a menace to their own people" but concludes that there isn't much that can be done about it save "strengthening the hand of civil society" - a comment apparently not intended as a joke.

    All this talk about "resistance" and "antifascism" betrays the origins of this virulent strain of anti-Americanism: support for the "liberation" struggles in China, Cuba, Vietnam, Zimbabwe and elsewhere. Iraq, in other words, is being superimposed on the old "anti-imperialist" grid, with disgruntled Baathists playing the role of the Vietcong. You might have thought that the end of the cold war would have knocked the starch out of this Manichaean struggle, but the far left has been unwilling to surrender the exhilarating moral clarity of that era. Failure, in fact, may have driven elements of the left deeper into opposition; the "socialist debacle," as the political writer Ian Buruma noted in a recent essay, "contributed to the resentment of American triumphs."

    What, then, to do? Should we beam Radio Free Europe to the captive states of France, Germany and England? Actually, I have a better idea: get the C.I.A. to secretly subsidize the publication of Pinter's political poetry, along with a worldwide tour booked into major sports stadiums. The poet would be encouraged to recite such clanking fragments of doggerel as the following from "God Bless America": "Here they go again/The Yanks in their armoured parade/Chanting their ballads of joy/As they gallop across the big world/Praising America's God." Sunshine, they say, is the greatest disinfectant.

    You cannot, of course, dissuade implacable ideologues, any more than you can an implacable jihadist. But that's not the goal, either in Iraq or in the West. The goal is to delegitimate extremism among the great mass of people not yet lost to reason. Even here, there is no getting around the fact that no nation as dominant as America now is will be accepted as a benevolent actor; indeed, no nation so easily able to advance its own interests will act benevolently most of the time.

    But we could certainly help our case by boasting about our benevolence less and proving it more - by acting, that is, in ways that seem worthy of a great democracy. We might, for example, take the wind out of the antifascist sails by accepting rules and institutions - the Geneva Conventions, the International Criminal Court, the disarmament provisions of the Non-Proliferation Treaty - that practically everyone save us and a few outright malefactors hold dear. We might cut our farm subsidies to improve terms of trade for impoverished African farmers (and to show up European countries unwilling to do the same). We might tiptoe less delicately around authoritarian regimes in the Middle East and stand up more staunchly for democratic forces. The battle of ideas, after all, is not to be waged only in the Islamic world.

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